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991.
杜宝青 《胜利油田党校学报》2014,(3):82-84
协商民主作为中国特色社会主义民主的重要形式,是社会主义政治文明发展的必然趋势。两个5号文颁布以来,我国党际协商民主产生了很大突破,取得了诸多成效。但是,从政党制度的高度看,我国党际协商还存在一定问题。多渠道解决这些问题是推进社会主义协商民主的客观要求。 相似文献
992.
Daniela Spirkova 《美中公共管理》2014,(9):750-762
Megaprojects have distinctive characters when compared with smaller construction projects. Cost overruns and time delays are quite common. Risk management of such projects is quite complex, and many risks are not evident at the beginning. We deal in detail with serious political risks that are quite strong especially in Central and Eastern Europe. At the end, the author outlines the economic impact of the project as well as possible lessons that were acquired during its realization. In the present paper, the author analyzes the process of completion of Units 3 and 4 of the nuclear power plant (NPP) in Mochovce--the largest megaproject ever realized in Slovakia. Large and complex projects, especially highways, bridges, and NPPs are unique in that their construction ventures into the jurisdictions of many other utilities and disciplines, and they tend to affect large industrial or commercial areas. As such, they influence and get influenced by many stakeholders. Project managers who are not attentively interacting the project environment are likely to face difficulties during planning and execution of their projects. Stakeholder management is a major activity in projects. This is further emphasized when projects are large and complex by nature. 相似文献
993.
政德亦即为政之德、从政道德。作为执政党,党员领导干部的政德始终与政权安危、国运兴衰、百姓福祉紧密联系在一起。在新的时代背景下,加强干部队伍政德建设,需要在准确把握领导干部政德内涵的基础上,引导党员领导干部自觉加强政德培育和修养,坚持育德、注重用德、科学考德、强化管德,形成重德修德育德的良好机制。 相似文献
994.
政治内容的确立并不在于它的自我宣称,而是取决于由发出、运作以及反馈等因素和环节构成的生成过程。这个问题对于政治学研究和政治运作都具有重要的现实意义。一方面,政治内容的生成同时也是一种功能实施的过程,预先设计的政治需要通过相应功能的运作和反馈才能获得、并体现出真实的或具体的内容含义;另一方面,功能实施需要相应的载体形式,不同载体承担着不同的职能或功能,并由相应的功能关系维系着政治的一般或常态运作机制。在政治内容生成的过程中,各种转换的主要根据都在于相应的实效反馈,也就是发出预设与运作效果的相互作用;然而从普遍性来讲,各种实效反馈对于政治内容生成的作用根据或运作机制,都在于专门政治与一般政治的转化。 相似文献
995.
996.
ABSTRACT After winning the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) elections and subsequently taking control of the Gaza Strip in the summer of 2007, the Palestinian Hamas – a hybrid political, social and military actor – undertook a complex process to ascertain authority and control over Gaza. The article focuses on understanding Hamas’s performance as a political party and a “rebel government” as well as the impact of this newly acquired role on the group’s strategy. Relying on primary sources, field-work and interviews with members of the Hamas government and its security sector, the study looks at Hamas’s role as a security provider and analyses the complex relationship between the institutionalized security sector and the group’s insurgent armed wing. Examining Hamas’s logic as a security provider and exploring the inherent tensions between political and insurgent logics allows for a better understanding of both the rebel group’s role as a political actor and the broader challenges behind the successful rebel-to-political transformations of non-state armed organizations. In doing so it contributes to the emerging literature on non-state actors’ shifts between ballots and bullets and on their potential role as alternative governance providers. 相似文献
997.
AbstractBuilding on past survey-based studies of ethnic identity, we employ the case of Ukraine to demonstrate the importance of taking seriously the multidimensionality of ethnicity, even in a country that is regarded as deeply divided. Drawing on relational theory, we identify four dimensions of ethnicity that are each important in distinctive ways in Ukraine: individual language preference, language embeddedness, ethnolinguistic identity, and nationality. Using original survey data collected in May 2014, we show that the choice of one over the other can be highly consequential for the conclusions one draws about ethnicity’s role in shaping attitudes (e.g. to NATO membership), actions (e.g. participation in the Euromaidan protests), and the anticipation of outgroups’ behavior (e.g. expectations of a Russian invasion). Moreover, we call attention to the importance of including the right control variables for precisely interpreting any posited effects of ethnicity, making specific recommendations for future survey research on ethnic identity in Ukraine. 相似文献
998.
黄乙静 《天水行政学院学报》2008,(3):19-21
政治权力是政治权力主体为了实现和维护自身的利益而拥有的对政治权力客体的制约能力。政府作为最重要的权力主体,其政治权力在分配社会资源和调节、监督社会财富公平分配中具有巨大的功能作用,而政治权力也是制约社会财富公平分配的重要因素。 相似文献
999.
Andy Pearce 《Patterns of Prejudice》2019,53(1):98-110
ABSTRACTOver the past twenty years, state-sponsored activities related to the Holocaust have been numerous in Britain. Beginning with the creation of Holocaust Memorial Day at the turn of the millennium, successive governments have followed a policy trajectory that has brought forth a slew of new initiatives and projects related to the Holocaust and its memory. Most recently, this has included the creation of a new national memorial and learning centre, to be housed adjacent to the Palace of Westminster. With cross-party support and the pledge of £50 million of public funds, this lieu de memoire is due to open in January 2020. Conceiving of these activities as exercises in ‘high’ Holocaust politics, Pearce’s article examines the various memory-projects of recent decades and argues they reveal much about millennial Britain and its Holocaust culture. He contends that the nature of these and other initiatives means high Holocaust politics must be subject to continued scrutiny and interrogation. 相似文献
1000.
陈立明 《河北省社会主义学院学报》2004,3(1):9-15
中国政党制度在从资本主义政党制度向社会主义政党制度的现代转型中,经历了以资产阶级政党制度为主要内容的旧民主主义革命阶段、以国共两党围绕民主联合政府展开斗争合作为主要内容的新民主主义革命阶段和共产党领导的多党合作制度阶段。本文据此侧重从中国现代政党制度前史和毛泽东有关政党制度的两个文本的角度对中国现代政党制度作了发生学的考察,并由此得出了中国现代政党制度的经验和启示。 相似文献